A Theory Of Joe's Fake E-Mail IDs

I haven't run into much by Jack Cashill recently -- he's the guy who originally proposed that 1960s SDS agitator and Weatherman Bill Ayers ghostwrote Barack Obama's Dreams From my Father, as well as other theories on TWA Flight 800 and the Oklahoma City bombing. But just this morning, I discovered a new piece at American Thinker, which frequently features his writing. He traces Joe's phony e-mail addresses like Robert L Peters, robinware456, and JRBWare to, of all people, Whittaker Chambers:

One need only look at Chambers's page in Wikipedia — the scourge of right-wing conspiracy theories — to see the likely source of the Biden code (italics added): "[Chambers's] main handler was Josef Peters, Chambers claimed that Peters introduced him to Harold Ware ... [and] that Ware was head of a communist underground cell in Washington."

It would seem far more likely than not that that the names "Peters" and "Ware" were chosen consciously. Based on his policies and performance, it seems altogether possible that "JRB [Joseph Robinette Biden] Ware" sees himself as the "head of a communist underground cell in Washington" in the spirit of his namesake.

The main objection to this theory is that Joe doesn't read books, he plagiarizes them. Cashill is postulating a level of subtlety and depth far beyond a guy who, as it suits him, will claim to have been raised in black churches, by Puerto Ricans, or by Jews.

It might be barely within the realm of credibility to propose that Barack Obama was some sort of New Left sleeper agent, but the idea that Joe Biden would somehow see himself as a Stalinist spy under deep cover doesn't pass the laugh test -- it's too much like all Joe's other tall tales. "You may think this is a joke -- I'm not kidding here, though -- I was a Soviet spy. I mean, I actually ran both Alger Hiss and Whittaker Chambers. And Nixon didn't catch me!"

But Cashill's piece actually helped me to clarify one of the points I made in yesterday's post, that's been made by writers from Ferdinand Lundberg in The Rich and the Super-Rich to Ralph Ellson in Invisible Man, that a major factor in the original New Deal coalition was an alliance between Northern industrial money, funneled through non-profits and universities, and Southern segregationists, which in fact predated Roosevelt and extended back to Reconstruction.

And Joe Biden, rather than being a Soviet agent, made his career from this alliance. We need look no farther for substantiation of this than Ted Kaufman, Biden's longtime adviser, who was appointed to the remainder of Joe's Senate term when Joe became vice president in 2009.

Kaufman originally moved to Delaware in 1966 to work for DuPont as an engineer.

In 1972 he joined Joe Biden's U.S. Senate campaign, which was considered to be a long shot, on a volunteer basis. After Biden's surprise victory in 1972, he took a one-year leave of absence from DuPont to organize and head Senator Biden's Delaware Office. In 1976 he became Biden's Chief of Staff and administrative assistant and served until 1995, also working on Biden's subsequent Senate campaigns. After Biden's victory in the 2020 presidential election, Kaufman was chosen to head Biden's transition team.

Given what we know about the Delaware Way, nobody runs for Senate and gets elected there without the DuPonts, and the DuPonts are Northern industrial money if anyone is. Not only does Ted Kaufman seem to have engineered DuPont support for Joe, but DuPont let him take a leave of absence to set up Joe's office once he was elected.

What we so far know little about is how the relationship between Ted Kaufman and Joe Biden got started, but it's hard to avoid thinking Kaufman by 1972 had become a conduit between Joe and the DuPonts, when Joe at the time was a fervent segregationist in a Southern state:

In a series of never-before-published letters from Biden, which were reviewed by CNN, the strength of his opposition to busing comes into sharper focus, particularly how he followed the lead of – and sought support from – some of the Senate’s most fervent segregationists.

. . . Biden, who at the time was 34 and serving his first term in the Senate, repeatedly asked for – and received – the support of Sen. James Eastland, a Mississippi Democrat and chairman of the Judiciary Committee and a leading symbol of Southern resistance to desegregation. Eastland frequently spoke of blacks as “an inferior race.”

Indeed, by 1974, the DuPonts were happy enough with Joe to give him a deal on a mansion that had been part of the family estate.

[I]t originally belonged to the du Ponts, a prominent family who settled in Wilmington, Delaware and made billions off of their gunpowder business, E. I. du Pont de Nemours and Company (which now goes by the name DuPont).

. . . [I]t was built in 1930, and it includes five bedrooms, two and a half bathrooms, and three fireplaces, spread across two stories and just over 10,000 square feet. The former Vice President called this abode “The Station,” and it even acted as the headquarters for his 1988 presidential campaign.

The DuPonts let him have it for $185,000 in 1974, and he sold it for $1.2 million in 1996.

In yesterday's post, when I noted that the Democrats, having lost much of the old New Deal coalition, had nevertheless gained "African-Americans . . . gays [I should have said "queers"], radical feminists, aging hippies, and parlor socialists", I left out the greens, but it's worth noting, as Trump has pointed out, that the greens are doing the will of the Northern industrialists in agitating for tax-supported projects like solar energy and EVs that will go from government budgets to their bottom lines.

Evs will be built in whole or part in China, using Chinese raw materials. It's worth noting that up to 1957, DuPont owned 24% of General Motors, when the US Supreme Court ordered DuPont to divest its shares:

In concluding that the law had been violated, the decision noted that “the bulk of du Pont’s production of automotive finishes and fabrics has always supplied the largest part of the requirements of General Motors, the one customer in the automobile industry connected to du Pont by a stock interest, and [so] there is an overwhelming inference that du Pont’s commanding position was promoted by its stock interest, and was not gained solely on competitive merit.”

As Ferdinand Lundberg has pointed out, it's never easy to determine who owns what part of what company, with ownership concealed by street names, investment funds, and other devices -- but it's hard to avoid thinking even now that what's good for the US auto sector -- de-unionization and government subsidies, among other things -- will be good for DuPont.

For now, that's why Joe, the last relic of the old Democrat coalition, is president. He's anything but a Soviet plant.