The Deepest Dive Yet Into The Springfield Haitians
The result confirms the picture that's beguin to emerge from my own posts on Springfield, Aurora, and Charleroi:
My investigation discovered a long rotten beam extending from the Mayor down to NGOs, pastors, corporations, and local mediocrities looking to make a fast buck. Everyone is on the take. And Springfield is not an outlier. It is a standard example of local partnerships with federal and corporate resettlement programs working together to profit themselves.
The perverse incentive structures of these institutions makes them incapable of resisting population replacement. The citizens are simply not lucrative enough to leave alone. As things stand, nothing will stop without concerted intervention. The charities, churches, and city officials in Springfield are alien officials ruling over a subject population, robber-barons without charisma or mystique, fishing for pennies in the sewers they have made of their hometowns.
His account sheds more light on local bad actors like Mayor Rob Rue, slumlord George Ten, and sweatshop employer Ross McGregor, but it also makes plain that they're operating within a much larger, shadowy structure of federal and state subsidies. also enabled by churches, including the USCCB, and respectable NGOs like United Way. This will take a lot more investigation:
Federal monies are disbursed through contracts, grants, direct payments, loans and other channels in which entities like the Ohio Department of Job and Family Services are pass-through bodies. Executive Director David Smiddy of the Warder Literacy Center [an NGO] admitted to being funded by this department, but more granular details are hard to determine. Within a labyrinth of organizations, obfuscation is the norm. Ohio Department of Development. Ohio Housing Finance Agency. Springfield Metropolitan Housing Authority. Minority Business Services. Neighborhood Impact Division… The names go on and on. Entities feed into other entities to create a twisted maze.
Roberts brings up the specific question of how the Haitians can get cars, especially when they're often unlicensed and apparently don't know how to drive.
[A] local tow company owner is charting losses of $5,000 a month as a direct result of Haitian crashes. At first glance, one would imagine this to be a boon for his business. However, because Haitians are unlicensed, insurance does not pay out to the owner. Furthermore, almost none of the drivers return to salvage their vehicles, and as a result, due to regulations, tow company lots fill up.
. . . Almost all of the Haitians apparently drive Honda Odysseys. They all bank with PNC, many have cars licensed by Trust Auto, and the most common insurance provider is Acceptance. Who is facilitating this? Who is filing the paperwork and opening these accounts for a community that can’t speak English? So far, I have not been able to uncover much in that direction. It is too peculiar to be assumed to be a coincidence, however.
Another question is who pays the rent on the slum units owned by Mayhor Rue and George Ten:
Rob Rue is the owner of Littleton Properties of Springfield LLC., which owns six rental properties in Springfield. Going door-to-door, I confirmed that at least four of these properties are rented to Haitian migrants. These tenants are not just nuclear families, but multi-generational households including anywhere from ten to fifteen people crammed into one half of a duplex. It is not clear who is paying their rent.
What's been suggested in other reports I've seen is that the slumlords aren't renting by the uinit, as would happen in a conventional lease or tenancy agreement, but they're being paid directly by some outside agency on a per-person basis, which encourages overcrowding as well as encouraging the slumlords to drive out conventional per-unit tenants. Roberts refers to a local pastor and homeless advocate whom he identifies only as Barron:
I interviewed a recently homeless woman, one of many who frequents the soup kitchen and a camp Barron services (comprised almost entirely of recent homeless driven out by rising rents), whose husband holds down a factory job. Her and her friends told me that locals are “pushed out to remodel, rents go from $800 to $1800, and then they move Haitians there.”
A particular problem is the churches, which appear to benefit from federal money for Haitians at the expense of neglecting the native-born poor of the community:
[T]he local government may actually be the least compromised of all the bad actors operating in Springfield. The churches, entrusted to care for their neighbors, have decided to interpret this edict by siding with recent arrivals.
An example is the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul, a Catholic voluntary organization which issued a press release in response to citizen backlash against their role in the migrant crisis in which they acknowledged that “SVdP volunteers and interpreter[sic]/navigators assist these neighbors [migrants] with tools for independent living. SVdP conduct(s) legal pro-bono immigration clinics. Whenever possible, SVdP navigators help Haitians seek waivers of… application fees.”
Meanwhile a new epidemic of homelessness is emerging as a result of skyrocketing rents, rapacious landlord behavior, and general impoverishment. There are plenty of grandmothers in Springfield who could use a navigator at the DMV, and poor Americans who could use a fee waiver or pro-bono legal assistance, but SVdP has different priorities.
This is clearly an important contribution to coverage of thr quasi-legal immigrant invasion, but it actually provides just a set of pointers for even more detailed investigation.