Class Confusion In Maine
Sarah Jones, a writer for upscale New York Magazine, asks, What does it mean to be a working-class candidate?
Was Platner a real proletarian or a nepo baby who put on a show? Were his supporters working class? The truth may be that he was both: a Hotchkiss dropout who had experienced some hardship. He campaigned hard and made his pitch directly to voters at hundreds of town halls across the state, from the reddest and most rural communities to cities like Portland.
Of course, people of all classes experience "some hardship". That doesn't make you working class. Her puzzlement grows:
If the category includes anyone without a college degree, a car-dealership titan can be a man of the people. If we define it by income, we might exclude foundering households in areas with high costs of living. A person might have a master’s degree and a six-figure salary and struggle with student-loan debt or the cumulative costs of housing, health care, and child care. Grace Mausser, who co-chairs DSA’s New York City chapter, told Gothamist that the “working class really includes anyone who’s dependent on their own work and their own labor for their livelihood and for their income,” a definition with old roots in social science as well as left-wing thought.
During part of my Episcopalian days, I was a member of a very hoity-toity parish. While a relatively small number of parishioners were independently wealthy, most were predictably doctors, lawyers, high-level corporate types, and so forth, who would in fact have been in much-straitened circumstances if they lost their paychecks. They were definitely not working-class, but they saw themselves, and others saw them, as socially comparable to the rentiers. There was a slightly lower category, mostly single women verging on spinsterhood, who were librarians or worked for non-profits.All of theae people saw themselves, most importantly, as "people like us", which as I've pointed out was almost Graham Platner's sole credential, but it was enough to make him a member. In my case, I worked for a bank doing IT, which meant that even though I had an Ivy degree, I was not "people like us", and nothing was going to change that. It didn't remotely help that I was Republican. Class designations aren't cut and dried, and that goes for all classes. This is probably due to overall social mobility in the US.
But now Ms Jones cuts to the chase:
[A]n ICE agent shot and killed 26-year-old Joan Sebastian Guerrero in Biddeford, Maine, the Portland Press Herald said his body lay in the street for five hours while his toddler daughter looked on. Guerrero was a worker, too. He delivered food to the people of Biddeford and cleaned a veterinary clinic to support his family.
This drove me to look up the details on Guerrero:
Durán Guerrero was from Bucaramanga [Colombia]. A neighbor who had known him since 2024 said he worked as a delivery driver and lived with his partner and their young daughter. The Maine Immigrants' Rights Coalition and Presente! Maine said Durán Guerrero was authorized to work in the United States and had been issued a Social Security number. ICE said he was an "illegal alien"; his immigration status has not been independently confirmed.
The details on Guerrero and his shooting continue to be sketchy and incomplete, but it's plain that he was a third-world migrant who was in the country under circumstances that are unclear -- in other words, he was a migrant, working merginal jobs, apparently including DoorDash or similar work. The problem with Ms Jones calling him a "worker" is that uncontrolled migration has the effect of lowering wages and raising rents, precisely the conditions that hurt the traditional working class, whose plight Ms Jones herself describes at the start of her piece:
Last spring, my mother and I looked for her childhood home on Zillow. She grew up on the Mid-Coast of Maine in a two-bedroom house without a view of the water. My grandparents could just about afford it on blue-collar wages in 1959. Now Zillow said the same house could sell for almost half a million dollars. We stared at my laptop screen, in silence, until my mother ventured the obvious: None of us could buy the place now.
Well, wages are down, rents are up. The current US liberal immigration policy began with the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, also known as the Hart-Celler Act. As of 1959, a working-class family could afford a modest single-family home. Now, they can't. Among the policies that created that circumstance must certainly be decades of liberalized immigration.Joan Guerrero isn't a "worker", he's a stooge brought in by the millions to keep the native working class down. Ms Jones gets things half right when she more or less concludes that whatever Platner was, even if he seemed to be a member of the working class, he wasn't what the working class needed:
his policies sounded like common sense, because they were; they were designed to help the working class in its broadest and truest form. And I think Platner’s supporters knew that. They reasoned their way to a decision based on the information they had at the time. “I supported him with trepidation,” a retired nurse told the Times after Platner dropped out. “I was giving him the benefit of the doubt because of the bigger picture.” As my colleague Rebecca Traister wrote last week, “Anyone who pretends Platner’s candidacy represented an easy moral and philosophical calculation is wrong.”
When I told my mother why Platner dropped out, she sounded angry. At him, for the pain he allegedly inflicted. At Collins. “Mainers need an advocate,” she told me.
But if, as she clearly does here, she thinks "the working class in its broadest and truest form" includes migrants who've been brought in deliberately to lower wages and raise rents at the expense of the traditional working class -- which definitely includes the college-educated kids who've been duped into thinking a degree would guarantee respectable employment -- she continues to be deeply confused.



