An At Best Obtuse Piece By Harold Myerson
I've been noting the peculiar incongruity of Real Clear Politics's opinion choices, especially its frequent platforming of far-left figures like Harold Myerson and Robert Reich, while they seldom publish conservatives much to the right of Victor Davis Hanson and Roger Kimball, who at this stage are just mainstream Republicans and boring ones at that. The other day, RCP ran this Myerson piece, The Democrats’ On-Again, Off-Again Class Politics.
Myerson argues that the New Deal-Fair Deal politics of FDR and Truman were "class-based", but the later politics of Adlai Stevenson and John Kennedy were not.
[W]hile working in John F. Kennedy’s White House, [Arthur] Schlesinger [Jr] comes away from a meeting with UAW President Walter Reuther and Sen. Hubert Humphrey, noting that both of them still spoke in “the New Deal’s distinctive rhetoric. Walter and Hubert could talk about ‘the people,’ about their ultimate wisdom, and the importance of doing things for them, in a way quite alien to the New Frontier”—the not particularly class-based perspective of the Kennedy administration. “I wish I could figure out,” Schlesinger laments, “the terms in which the idealism and imagination of the New Deal could be infused into the anti-sentimental, anti-rhetorical, understated mood of the New Frontier,” whose leaders he terms “technocrats.”
Read today, these passages illuminate the links between the shifting shapes of American liberalism—and, for that matter, American socialism—and the American economy. Writing at a time when New Deal reforms had produced an economy of opportunity “as secure and unalterable” as the landscape, when, as historian Nelson Lichtenstein recently noted in our pages, the real wages of working-class Americans doubled in a single generation, the postwar Democratic establishment had abandoned the class politics of its predecessors, whose victories had appeared to create a permanent middle-class majority.
Reuther and Humphrey, by contrast, were at that point semi-social democrats who were concerned about those who either didn’t make it into that middle-class majority or whose membership therein was precarious.
He then says that the resurgence of the Democratic Socialists of America is a return to "class-based" New Deal liberalism.
There are virtually no young people today who view their economic prospects as “secure and unalterable,” a view we now know was peculiar to the boomer generation. Is it any wonder that DSA, despite the fierce moral commitments of its founders, stayed a small organization of several thousand until the crash of 2008 and its prolonged and incomplete recovery made clear to young people, then and since, that the economy—deregulated and all but devoid of unions—was anything but secure? Is it any wonder that this year’s Democratic primaries, including this week’s in Florida, are defined by the precinct-walking and phone-banking of the young, class-based left, while the Democrats opposed to them can mobilize money but few if any volunteers?
But if the new DSA liberalism is "class-based", which class are we talking about? According to Nate Silver,
As a result of contentious Democratic primaries in Michigan, Maine, and New York, I’ve been reading a lot of conversation about the role that class plays in voting patterns in the United States. In these primaries, candidates like Graham Platner and Abdul El-Sayed who are associated with democratic socialism often claim to have the mandate of the working class. But in practice, their strengths tend to be with college-educated voters.
. . . I’m reminded here of Peter Turchin’s elite overproduction hypothesis. It basically argues that America is producing “too many” college graduates relative to the number of high-prestige, well-paying jobs available to them. People who wind up in this situation often carry heavy student loan burdens or other sorts of debt. Even if their material situation is objectively “just fine,” it’s rarely great. They’re gloomy about their own financial prospects, and feel aggrieved about the state of the country. Their class status is ambiguous: privileged in some senses, but they’re part of the “have-nots” in other meaningful ways.
. . . [W]hat is the most Democratic voting group in America? It’s voters with postgraduate degrees but lower-to-middle household incomes of $30K to $60K per year.
This is very much also the sweet spot for the DSA. In the group’s most recent member survey in 2021, 80 percent of members aged 25 or older had bachelor’s degrees, but 45 percent had household incomes below $60,000 per year.
This isn't the working class. But I decided to do some research on Harold Myerson. Originally, I wondered if he was a "red diaper baby", but it turns out that strictly speaking, he isn't, if the term is used exclusively to mean a child of Communist Party USA members. Instead, according to Wikipedia,
Meyerson was born to a Jewish family in Los Angeles. He was educated in the Los Angeles public schools and at Columbia University. The son of long time leaders in California of the Socialist Party of America, he was active in the 1970s in the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee.
So this led me to look into the Socialist Party of America, whose most prominent member was Norman Thomas, definitely not a member of the working class:
Thomas was the oldest of six children, born November 20, 1884, in Marion, Ohio, to Emma Williams (née Mattoon) and Weddington Evans Thomas, a Presbyterian minister. . . . The summer after he graduated from high school his father accepted a pastorate at Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, which allowed Norman to attend Bucknell University. He left Bucknell after one year to attend Princeton University, the beneficiary of the largesse of a wealthy uncle by marriage. Thomas graduated magna cum laude from Princeton in 1905.
He went on to become a socially active Presbyterian pastor, but the denomination found him a little too socially active, and by the 1920s, he'd become editor of The Nation and had begun running for president as leader of the Socialist Party of America. With an Ivy League degree from the era when the Ivies were class-based institutions, he was a bourgeois socialist along the lines of the UK Fabian Society. We may assume Harold Myerson was brought up in a family with similar views, and he went to an Ivy in the 1960s when these views were typical, if inchoate.So neither Norman Thomas nor Harold Myerson had a working-class background, and neither do the vast majority of DSA members. And this is nothing new, it goes straight back to Norman Thomas. I think this is related to another trend I've been noting for a while, the alliance between the upper bourgeoisie and Marx's Lumpenproletariat, petty criminals, addicts, idlers, sexual deviants, and undocumented migrants. The DSA romanticizes the Lumpenproletriat, apparently out of guilt and perhaps envy that the underclass is somehow more authentic than the upper bourgeoisie, and they want to claim that they're the real working class, not, say, the prosperous union workers whom David Brooks derides as "patio man" in the pages of The Atlantic, The New york Times, and The Washington Examiner:
Certain profound questions flow through his mind. Is a 542-square-inch grilling surface really enough, considering that he might someday get the urge to roast an uncut buffalo steak? Though the matte steel overcoat resists scratching, doesn’t he want a polished steel surface on his grill so he can glance down and admire his reflection as he is performing the suburban manliness rituals, such as brushing tangy sauce on meat slabs with his right hand while clutching a beer can in an NFL foam insulator ring in his left?
Myerson is having a hard time getting his head around the idea that these are the people that Walter Reuther, Hubert Humphrey, Harry Truman, and FDR represented.




